{"id":1171,"date":"2021-05-03T19:14:57","date_gmt":"2021-05-03T19:14:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/sites.exeter.ac.uk\/bioresilience\/?p=1171"},"modified":"2021-05-03T19:14:57","modified_gmt":"2021-05-03T19:14:57","slug":"translating-paramo-historical-and-scientific-practices-making-paramos-in-the-eastern-andes-of-colombia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.exeter.ac.uk\/bioresilience\/2021\/05\/03\/translating-paramo-historical-and-scientific-practices-making-paramos-in-the-eastern-andes-of-colombia\/","title":{"rendered":"Translating P\u00e1ramo: Historical and Scientific Practices Making P\u00e1ramos in the Eastern Andes of Colombia."},"content":{"rendered":"

M\u00f3nica Amador-Jim\u00e9nez & Daniel Tarazona <\/em><\/p>\n

P\u00e1ramos are high-altitude ecosystems typical of the Neotropics. In the Andes, they are located above the Andean forest strip (Rangel-Ch, 2000)<\/a> at altitudes between 3400 m.a.s.l. and up to 5000 m.a.s.l. In the northern part of the Andes, the inferior limits of these ecosystems are considered to be between 2800 and 3000 m.a.s.l. The p\u00e1ramos found in the eastern Andes of Colombia present high precipitation and low temperatures, with temperatures reaching below 0\u00b0C during night-time and with an average of approx. 15 \u00b0C during the day (Sarmiento et al., 2013)<\/a>. P\u00e1ramos host several native and endemic species (Hofstede et al., 2003)<\/a> and in Colombia, they occupy 2.5% of the Colombian territory (Sarmiento et al., 2013)<\/a>. According to ecological studies, they are essential for the provision and regulation of water (Rangel-Ch., 2000)<\/a> and function as soil-based carbon reservoirs, hence their importance as strategic ecosystems for climate change mitigation (Armenteras et al., 2003).<\/a><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

For a non-Spanish speaking language reader, p\u00e1ramo is a new or strange word, difficult to spell and usually translated into English as moorlands. However, moorlands are described as \u201ca type of\u00a0habitat<\/a>\u00a0found in\u00a0upland<\/a>\u00a0areas in\u00a0temperate grasslands, savannas, and shrublands<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0montane grasslands and shrublands<\/a>\u00a0biomes<\/a>, characterised by low-growing vegetation on\u00a0acidic<\/a>\u00a0soils. Moorland, nowadays, generally means uncultivated\u00a0hill<\/a>\u00a0land (such as\u00a0Dartmoor<\/a>\u00a0in\u00a0South West England<\/a>), but also includes low-lying\u00a0wetlands<\/a>\u00a0(such as\u00a0Sedgemoor<\/a>, also South West England)\u201d (Wikipedia, 2021). This translation P\u00e1ramo = Moorlands seems to be an attempt of translation based on what is already defined or known by the Anglo-Saxon biologist and ecologists, letting outside other relations and biophysical processes central to understand p\u00e1ramos.<\/p>\n

In this blog, we will refer to the different historical enunciations and definitions emanating from the different worldmaking practices of the p\u00e1ramo. The interest in exploring forms of translating p\u00e1ramo is inspired by research carried out during 2019 and 2020 with scientists and peasants and based on historical documents on the eastern mountain range of the Andes in Colombia and the p\u00e1ramo of the Monquentiva Regional Natural Park. Our quest for translating p\u00e1ramo attempts to expand and perhaps overcome direct English translations that invisibilize not only the particularities of ecosystems but also the human practices that have shaped them materially and semiotically. We invite the reader to be moved by the plurality of nature-ecosystems that exist, which could not be understood by simplifying translations or applying foreign categories.<\/p>\n

For Walter Benjamin, “translation is first and foremost a form. And to understand it in this way, it is necessary to return to the original since it contains its law, as well as the possibility of its translation” (1971:152)<\/a>. For the author, the most sensitive translation is the one that not only tries to understand and communicate the contemporary conceptualization of a thing (in this case, p\u00e1ramos), but a translation that sinks into the profound material and semiotic of processes that in the past have made what the thing has become in the present.<\/p>\n

In May 2019, I was walking with Don Jose near the Martos bog in the P\u00e1ramo de Monquentiva. The bog had once been a sacred Muisca lake, and Monquentiva is a Muisca word that refers to the environmental character of the place: “Lord of the Forest Bath”. The word evokes the abundance of humidity, rain and streams, and the mist and muddiness of the place, where forests submerge in the diverse forms of water.<\/p>\n

Don Jose works for the pine timber company extracting pine planted in the p\u00e1ramo 30 years ago. While walking, Don Jose remembered his youth when he was a hunter and an explorer. Back then, he often slept in the p\u00e1ramo, surrounded by the mist, and he knew the secrets of the woolly plants with which he could make a fire quickly. “The p\u00e1ramo is a maze<\/em> (\u2026) from one moment to another, a wall of dense white clouds rises, and on more than one occasion, visitors have been lost. The p\u00e1ramo is an immense labyrinth<\/em>.\u201d While saying this, he points with his index finger at the frailejones<\/em>, plants that were given this name as they look like friars walking through the mountain mist.<\/p>\n

Don Jose grew up in the p\u00e1ramo together with twelve siblings. As they lived far away from other peasants, they were considered to be isolated paramunos<\/em>, a word used in Colombia when referring to peasants living high up in the mountains. Paramunos<\/em> were considered to be shy and disconnected people, enduring harsh weather conditions in remote places. Peasants from other and lower-lying parts of the region still call the people of Monquentiva paramunos<\/em>, thereby attaching shy and \u201cuncivilised\u201d attributes to the inhabitants.<\/p>\n

Dona Blanca came to the p\u00e1ramo forty years ago when she married Don Elias Romero. She came from Guandita, a village below the p\u00e1ramo. Dona Blanca recalled: “The first days I could not bear the cold, the isolation, the lack of roads and shops to buy products. Additionally, I had to assume the stigma of being a paramuna, of living with mountain people, people who do not even know how to speak, who are not civilized.<\/em>”<\/p>\n

The members of the extended Romero family, one of the most numerous families in Monquentiva, describe the p\u00e1ramo where they live as a mosaic of hills, valleys, streams, and swamps where trees grow slowly, and water is always abundant. They obtain their livelihood from logging encenillo trees and collecting herbs, fruits, and plants to make handicrafts and domestic use. But they also burn parts of the bush to convert it into grazelands for their cattle. Thus, for the peasants, the p\u00e1ramo is a biophysical and social place that holds memories of isolation, stigma, and encounters with arid nature, coldness, and humidity. In recent years several scientific expeditions have visited the place as they consider the p\u00e1ramos to be strategic ecosystems for climate change mitigation and adaptation. The p\u00e1ramos have in recent years become known in media as places that should be conserved and have a rare and fragile ecology that must be protected.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Picture of the P\u00e1ramo of Monquentiva or Regional Natural Park Vista Hermosa de Monquentiva. Picture by Monica Amador, 2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

Environmental conservation reached this p\u00e1ramo in 2012 with the establishment of the Vista Hermosa Regional Natural Park. However, already the late 1990s, the CAR (the Regional Environmental Authority) began to buy land to make it possible to establish a park with an extension of as much as 14.141,7 hectares. However, the p\u00e1ramo is spatially larger than the park as it connects with the broader mountainous corridor of Chingaza, a corridor that consists of 64.500 hectares (International Conservation, 2016).<\/a> The p\u00e1ramo, though, also has a temporal greater extension than of the conceptions of p\u00e1ramo in historical records. The p\u00e1ramo has meant different things over time.<\/p>\n

For the Muisca people originally living in the Andean mountains, the place was called Zoque; the same word used to describe strong wind and rain (P\u00e9rez, 2019).<\/a> The Zoque was intimately connected to their sacred lakes (Xiua) and forests, to the point that these were parts of the same sacred network, earthly heaven that was of both land and aquatic terrain. For the Spanish expeditions that first arrived in the high Andean mountains, the experience with the \u201cwind and rain\u201d of the Zoque was very different. The tundra-like vegetation, constant rain and low temperatures reminded them of the moorlands in Spain.<\/p>\n

Etymologically speaking, the concept derives from the Latin word paramus,<\/em> which could be translated to something equivalent to wasteland or badlands (Wordsense.Eu<\/em>)<\/a>. The Spaniards used this idea of unusable or bad soil due to the harsh conditions they experienced. In complete disregard or knowledge of the sacredness the place had for its Muisca inhabitants. The transformation from Zoque to p\u00e1ramo consisted of the forced imposition of the extractive practices of the Spanish colonizers on the Muisca people. However, despite three centuries of colonial rule, the p\u00e1ramos have continued to preserve part of the mysticism surrounding them in the peasant culture.<\/p>\n

Even though the p\u00e1ramos were exploited for important resources such as water, firewood, and salt, as it is still done today, the Spanish colonial regime had over the years installed a general impression of the p\u00e1ramos as being wastelands. However, during the independentist campaigns of Simon Bolivar, the p\u00e1ramos regained some of its relevance due to the independence campaign crossing the P\u00e1ramo of Pisba to stage a surprise attack on the royalist army (O’Leary, 1883)<\/a>, so crossing the inhospitable p\u00e1ramo was seen as an epic accomplishment.<\/p>\n

Notwithstanding the heroic place these ecosystems gained as landmarks in the war between \u201cnative\u201d criollos and their foreign Spaniard oppressors, the p\u00e1ramos remained mostly abandoned. Only indigenous and campesino-mestizo people risked living there to escape from the stratified regimes and find lands to call their own. During the mid-twentieth century, the Romero family reached the top of this abandoned p\u00e1ramo, cultivated it, improved it and bought it. Nowadays, it has become a place with great tourist and conservation potential. It is no longer the sacred place of the Muiscas, nor the moorland of the Spanish, nor the baldios<\/em>, lands that the poor peasants could take over. And despite ecologists tending to separate forest and p\u00e1ramo as two different ecological entities, for the peasants of Monquentiva \u2013 the descendants of the Muiscas \u2013 the p\u00e1ramos are a mosaic of elements that include biophysical processes, practices, and sentiments, in which forests, wetlands, humidity, mountains and fog are interwoven with animals and people.<\/p>\n

In conversations with colleagues from the ecological and palaeoecological components of the BioResilience project, we have learned that the high Andean forest of Colombia has different ecological entities: Forest, P\u00e1ramos and Wetlands. Their studies have separated the types of vegetation located in the altitudinal delimitation, Sub-Andean Forest, High Andean Forest, Sub P\u00e1ramos and P\u00e1ramos. However, ecologists are aware that the limits between these entities are blurred and mobile in time. Studying p\u00e1ramos as the forest-p\u00e1ramos transition is a key area and a condition for understanding the p\u00e1ramos’ functioning, structure, and behaviour.<\/p>\n

As researchers of the social component of the Bioresilience research project, we explored archives, practices, and discourses; we found divergent conceptions of p\u00e1ramos, which generated in us what Hellen Verran calls an ‘epistemic disconcertment\u2019 (2013). \u201cWhat is epistemic disconcertment? \u2018Epistemic\u2019 refers to knowledge and how we account for what it is; our story or theory of knowledge. \u2018Disconcertment\u2019 conveys the sense of being put out in some way, and when qualified by the term epistemic, it implies that our taken-for-granted account of what knowledge is has somehow been upset or impinged upon so that we begin to doubt and become\u201d (Verran, 2013: 144)<\/a>. The disconcertment was created by noticing the divergent knowledge practices that unfolded in and enacted with the p\u00e1ramo, and when doing so, they exceeded the translation of p\u00e1ramo as moorland. Simultaneously, new lines of analysis about p\u00e1ramo as epistemological and ontological entity unfolded.<\/p>\n

In any case, as we verified in our fieldwork and interdisciplinary work, these conceptions of p\u00e1ramo coexist and are partially related, for example, there were situations when peasants participated either in the fieldwork of biologist or ecologist to collect plants, mud or animal samples, in the (sporadic) socializations organized by scientist to share results with peasants and in the communications of conservationists to protect the p\u00e1ramos. The peasants participated in these activities as long as scientific findings did not risk their permanence in the p\u00e1ramos. On the other hand, the scientist very much benefitted from the knowledge provided by the peasants (though the scientist rarely mentions peasants or informants explicitly in their publications). Scientist and peasants do \u2013 for historical, phenomenological, affective, and biophysical reasons \u2013 have different conceptions of p\u00e1ramo through different dwelling experiences (Ingold, 2000)<\/a>. However, at specific moments, they are partially articulating p\u00e1ramo. The differences and the partial connections thus are also important to mention when doing translations.<\/p>\n

According to Benjamin, the true translation does not try to obscure the original (1971)<\/a>, or supplant it, or betray it, since the translation must be aware that it is a type of mediation. And the mediation is, during the flow of ideas, materialities and stories, transforming the thing that is moving from one side to the other. The politics of translation are expressed by the awareness of being a mediation, by the curiosity of exploring the pasts and the diversity of practices that constitute what is intended to be translated. It is also expressed by the commitment to avoid shadowing or invisibilising aspects of the thing when juxtaposed with the final translation. Inspired by de la Cadena, we noticed the different forms of enunciating p\u00e1ramo unfolded by stories from divergent world-making practices: the pasts stories, international conservationists, ecologists and local dwelling experiences. They all participate in making p\u00e1ramos over time and do co-exist in the present. We propose a cross-cultural translation by difference (de la Cadena, 2015)<\/a>, in which the different conceptions-practices of p\u00e1ramos could be expressed and listened to understand what p\u00e1ramos means. This would be contrasted with simplistic translations like \u201cmoorlands\u201d or \u201chigh-altitude ecosystems strategic for mitigating climate change\u201d. \u00a0We expect that translating by difference could create better conditions for protecting the p\u00e1ramos, conditions that do not obscure other epistemological and ontological forms of p\u00e1ramos \u2013 but that rather will contribute to providing tools, solutions, and relationships for expanding and deepening our understanding of p\u00e1ramos in the face of the environmental crisis of the planet.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

M\u00f3nica Amador-Jim\u00e9nez & Daniel Tarazona P\u00e1ramos are high-altitude ecosystems typical of the Neotropics. In the Andes, they are located above the Andean forest strip (Rangel-Ch, 2000) at altitudes between 3400 m.a.s.l. and up to 5000 m.a.s.l. In the northern part of the Andes, the inferior limits of these ecosystems are considered to be between 2800 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1031,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[13,25,33,39],"tags":[],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nTranslating P\u00e1ramo: Historical and Scientific Practices Making P\u00e1ramos in the Eastern Andes of Colombia. - BioResilience - Colombia<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/sites.exeter.ac.uk\/bioresilience\/2021\/05\/03\/translating-paramo-historical-and-scientific-practices-making-paramos-in-the-eastern-andes-of-colombia\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Translating P\u00e1ramo: Historical and Scientific Practices Making P\u00e1ramos in the Eastern Andes of Colombia. - BioResilience - Colombia\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"M\u00f3nica Amador-Jim\u00e9nez & Daniel Tarazona P\u00e1ramos are high-altitude ecosystems typical of the Neotropics. 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