{"id":2619,"date":"2022-12-22T11:44:16","date_gmt":"2022-12-22T11:44:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.exeter.ac.uk\/medievalstudies\/?p=2619"},"modified":"2024-08-03T12:44:50","modified_gmt":"2024-08-03T12:44:50","slug":"mothers-and-daughters-a-snapshot-from-early-tudor-england","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.exeter.ac.uk\/medievalstudies\/2022\/12\/22\/mothers-and-daughters-a-snapshot-from-early-tudor-england\/","title":{"rendered":"Mothers and Daughters: a Snapshot from Early Tudor England"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The relationship between a mother and a teenage daughter is often represented as inherently volatile. It has a long history as a trope in drama and fiction and in spite of a heightened awareness of, and suspicion towards facile stereotype it still surfaces today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the historian of more-or-less any time period and place before the past century, of course it is very difficult to cut through these representations to discover the lived experience of women, of their personal ties, to family members or to anyone else on their horizons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond the exemplary stories of preachers and guides to social behaviour and values also generated by the clerical establishment, medievalists often confront a complete void. Direct accounts of women acting in their family context are scarce. Rarer still is any record of their personal relationships expressed in their own words.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\"\"
A fifteenth-century mother and her daughters and sons: an unidentified fragment from St Bartholomew’s church, Orford (Suffolk)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"\"
A letter from Margaret Paston to her husband, 1453 BL, MS 33597, fo. 2r<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

In an English context, really the only resource is the handful of letters found in the collections of a select group of elite families dating from the century before the Tudor Reformation. The correspondence of the family groups of Pastons<\/a>, Plumptons<\/a> and Lisles<\/a> preserves brief but valuable glimpses of women acting and reacting as parents (and grandparents), children, siblings and spouses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here there are scarcely any sole exchanges between women \u2013 mother, grandmother, daughter, daughter-in-law \u2013 and most – as might be expected given what is known of changing patterns of language use, literacy and household administration \u2013 come at the end of the period.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A letter discovered in the Courtenay<\/a> archive at Powderham Castle<\/a> now casts some fresh light on this still elusive aspect of womens\u2019 lives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\"\"
Margaret Courtenay’s letter to her mother, Katherine, now in the Powderham Castle archive<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The letter, written in a clerical hand on a small, folded sheet of paper, has the appearance of an original not a fair-copy. It was sent by Margaret Courtenay<\/a> to her \u2018moste entirely biloved lady and moder\u2019, Katharine<\/a>, dowager countess of Devon. It carries a date of 5 January but gives no year. It can probably be placed between 1512 and 1514, since Margaret refers to the death of her grandfather, Edward Courtenay<\/a>, earl of Devon<\/a>, which occurred in 1512, and she signs herself with the family name she retained until her marriage in 1514.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When she composed the letter, Margaret was about the age of fourteen or fifteen. Her year of birth is not recorded but she was the youngest of her mother\u2019s three children, her two elder brothers having been born in about 1496 and 1497 respectively.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the time of writing already Margaret had left her mother\u2019s household. Her letter is placed \u2018at Greenwich<\/a>\u2019, surely an indication that she was at court, among the throng of acknowledged favourites and hopefuls attendant on the young (twenty-three year old) Henry VIII<\/a>) at the riverside palace that was the mainstay of the royal household.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\"\"
Greenwich Palace, seen from the River Thames in a panorama by Anthony van den Wyngaerde, c. 1560, now in the Ashmolean Museum<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Like (m)any teenagers, in her short letter to her mother Margaret passes through a spectrum of rhetorical \u2013 and, it might be said, emotional – positions, rebuke, request, plea for sympathy and at the last a play on parental pride and reputation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Firstly, she complains that the terms of her grandfather\u2019s will have not been honoured, a fault for which she holds her mother directly responsible. \u2018Be so good lady and moder unto me that I may have my money of my lord my grandfaders bequest which is L [i.e. 50] marks by yere whereof sithens [i.e. since] his decesse I had never but \u00a320\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Then, she begs her to pay her the money which is her due. \u2018Ye and your counsel wol calle upon thexcecutors to see that I may content of the hole\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Next, she gives a glimpse of a most pathetic plight, trading clothes and jewels with fine ladies of the court who pity her. \u2018I have made a bargain\u2026for certen stuffe and jewels which lately were Lady Lisles whiche will drawe nigh C marks\u2026I doubte not if your grace saw the penyworthes therof ye wold help me therunto\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, she needles her with the threat of public embarassment: \u2018ther be diverse aboute the quene [i.e. Katharine of Aragon<\/a>] that love your grace right wel councelled me to write unto you herin\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\"\"
The closing lines of Margaret Courtenay’s letter to her mother Powderham Castle archives<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Margaret\u2019s desperation was surely shaped by the formidable figure of her mother, Katherine. She was the dowager countess, who at the time of her daughter\u2019s letter still held the lion\u2019s share of her husband\u2019s remaining property as her eldest son had not yet come of age. Also, she was of royal blood, albeit that of the displaced Yorkist<\/a> dynasty. Daughter of Edward IV<\/a>, she identified herself as the daughter, sister and aunt of kings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\"\"
Katherine Courtenay (right), pictured among her royal family in stained glass at Canterbury Cathedral<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Katherine\u2019s own early life had been far from secure: the security of her royal lineage became a liability when Henry Tudor<\/a> took the throne in August 1485. Ten years later, at the age of sixteen King Henry had married her to a hero of the Bosworth<\/a> battlefield, William Courtenay<\/a>, son of Earl Edward. But in 1502 Courtenay was implicated in the conspiracy to challenge the Tudor succession with the last Yorkist claimant Edmund de la Pole<\/a>. William was imprisoned in the Tower of London and his lands placed under attainder (the suspension of any claim on property which was taken into the custody of the crown). When Katherine\u2019s sister, Queen Elizabeth of York<\/a>, died in 1503, her remaining security in the Tudor regime was lost, and she was no longer accepted at court. William was not released until Henry VIII\u2019s accession in April 1509 and even then, his position and prospect of the restoration of his property remained uncertain. He lived only another two years, and months later his father also died.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The deaths of her husband and father-in-law opened a narrow window of opportunity for Katherine, providing her with substantial property and income until the succession of her son. The old Earl Edward had been generous in his will to his grandchildren, but so early in the reign of Henry VIII, there can be little doubt Katherine\u2019s first instinct was to hold his inheritance jealously to herself. There is no other record of Margaret\u2019s early life but this letter suggests her mother had dispatched her to find her fortune at court.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\"\"
How the good wife taught her daughter: Trinity College, Cambridge MS R. 3. 19, fos. 212v-213r<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

As advised in the fifteenth-century poem, How the good wife taught her daughter<\/a>, Katherine knew well that \u2018meydens thei be lonely \/ and no thingew syker therby\u2019 and needs must \u2018be\u2026agode stowerde [that] wantys seldom any ryches\u2019. But her daughter was yet to learn another lesson of the same poem, \u2018Make thee not ryche of other mens thing \/ the bolder to spend be on ferthyng \/ Borowyd thing must nedys go home \/ if that thou wyll to heven gone\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The circumstances of mother and daughter changed dramatically soon after Margaret\u2019s letter was sent. In December 1512, Katherine\u2019s son, Margaret\u2019s brother, Henry<\/a>, received the king\u2019s letters patent to take the title and inheritance of his grandfather as earl of Devon. Katherine\u2019s custody of the Courtenay claim was at an end. In 1514 Margaret\u2019s time at court brought her mother\u2019s hope-for result and she was married to Henry Somerset<\/a>, the eighteen-year old heir to the earldom of Worcester. The marriage lasted about twelve years. The date of Margaret\u2019s death is not recorded but probably it was before her husband inherited his title in 1526. She did not survive to live in the style of a countess like her mother, Katherine.<\/span><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
\"\"
Henry Courtenay, elder brother of Margaret, shown as marquess of Exeter, in the Black Book of the Garter kept at St George’s Chapel, Windsor<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

With thanks to Katie Edwards, Collections Manager, Powderham Castle<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The relationship between a mother and a teenage daughter is often represented as inherently volatile. It has a long history as a trope in drama and fiction and in spite of a heightened awareness of, and suspicion towards facile stereotype it still surfaces today. 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